London—the heart of the British Empire.
Inside a luxurious townhouse in Westminster.
This was usually a gathering place for opposition MPs, yet today the atmosphere was more tense than ever.
The opposition benches that normally filled the room were empty, with only William Gladstone and Lord Palmerston present.
Instead, someone who would normally never be seen here sat across from them.
The center of the Conservative Party and the Prime Minister of the British Empire—
Charles Wellesley.
He sat quietly, staring at the table.
"You've seen the newspapers circulating everywhere lately, I assume, Prime Minister?"
"Of course," Wellesley replied calmly. "Seeing the prestige of the British Empire rise day by day brings a smile to my face."
"Is that so?"
Gladstone gave a small chuckle and spread several newspapers across the table so the front pages were clearly visible.
[The British Empire Signs Trade Treaties with Japan and Joseon — Complete Control of the Pacific!]
[Why Russia Looks Miserable After Securing Primorye — A Fully Formed Anti-Russian Encirclement! Once Again, Prince Consort Killian at the Center!]
[When Great Tasks Arise, the Royal Family Acts — The Dignity of a Dynasty That Leads by Example!]
Gladstone read the headlines aloud one by one before looking back at the Prime Minister.
"What do you think of this situation?"
"Is it not the great fortune of the Empire?" Wellesley replied lightly. "With this, it wouldn't be an exaggeration to say the Pacific is effectively ours."
"Yes, it is certainly something worth celebrating. A tremendous blessing for the British Empire, and an achievement that will excite the public."
Normally, when a nation signed a treaty with Britain—like Qing China—it became difficult to refuse trade demands from other European powers.
If one country was granted trade rights, others would inevitably ask why they were denied.
Russia and France were already using that argument against Qing China and were preparing their own trade treaties.
But Japan and Joseon were different.
Britain had not officially negotiated with them as a state.
Instead, Killian, a member of the ruling royal house that now dominated both Japan and Joseon, had personally concluded the treaties.
If another country complained, Britain could simply respond:
Then send your own royal family member.
And refuse.
"But Prime Minister," Gladstone continued, "all of this is being credited entirely to Prince Consort Killian. Neither the Conservatives nor the Whigs are receiving any recognition for it."
He tapped the line in the article that read:
"When great tasks arise, the royal family acts."
"How does the Conservative Party view this? Are you truly unconcerned?"
"Was it not the Whigs who suggested sending the Prince Consort to Asia in the first place?" Wellesley replied. "Are you upset that your insight isn't receiving praise?"
"You know that isn't the issue."
Gladstone leaned forward.
"I agree that the Prince Consort was right to say it would be inappropriate for either party to claim credit. However…"
He didn't finish the sentence.
But no one in the room needed him to.
At first, both parties had agreed with Killian.
If the Conservatives claimed all the credit, the Whigs would suffer a crushing defeat in the next election.
The reverse would also be true.
But there was another side to it.
If neither party received recognition—
Then Killian alone would take all the credit.
And that was exactly what had happened.
Asia was effectively his personal stage, so no one could reasonably complain.
But as time passed, his influence had grown enormous.
It's just a colony.
It's just Asia.
They had kept telling themselves that.
But while they weren't paying attention, the authority and power Killian had accumulated had become… unsettling.
Right now it was easy to dismiss him.
Canada was still just a colony.
But what would happen when Canada continued to grow stronger?
Prime Ministers were elected.
But Killian's Duke of Canada title was effectively lifelong.
For MPs in a constitutional monarchy that valued parliamentary government, this was an uncomfortable thought.
So what did Prime Minister Wellesley think about it?
Gladstone believed Wellesley and Killian were political partners, practically inseparable.
Palmerston did not.
"Prime Minister," Palmerston said slowly, "the affairs of the Empire are managed by Parliament and the government. You are the symbol of that government. Perhaps you believe this is not yet a serious issue. But what happens when the Prince Consort's influence moves from overseas into domestic politics?"
"So what you are saying," Wellesley replied calmly, "is that the Prince Consort could potentially harm Parliament's authority?"
"I believe you've already realized that yourself," Palmerston said. "In fact, I suspect you've already devised a solution. That is why we invited you here."
Palmerston looked at Wellesley with obvious expectation.
To him, Wellesley was practically a god of political intrigue.
Gladstone also sensed opportunity and played along.
Depending on how the Prime Minister answered, they would know whether he was:
Killian's subordinate,
His close partner,
Or merely a temporary ally.
"If the Prince Consort's influence spreads into domestic politics," Wellesley said slowly, "Parliament's authority could weaken. I agree. That must not happen. After all the effort this country spent limiting royal authority and expanding the rights of Parliament and the people, we cannot allow that progress to reverse."
"Oh! So you feel the same way, Prime Minister!"
"However," Wellesley continued calmly, "this country is governed by the will of its citizens. If the majority of voters believe the Prince Consort should participate in politics, then that is what should happen."
"Well… yes, but…"
"Of course," Wellesley added, "I understand your concerns. Such a situation would violate the traditions we have upheld. As someone who values tradition, I also believe that should not happen. Please do not misunderstand me."
Palmerston's face brightened.
But words were easy.
What mattered was action.
"Prime Minister. Does that mean the Conservative Party shares our position?"
"Of course. Tradition must be preserved. However, the Prince Consort's popularity is extremely high right now. If we attack him directly, the backlash could be severe. You understand that, I assume."
"That much we already expected. If we suddenly take away what he has gained, chaos would erupt. The Prince Consort himself would never accept it quietly. And Asia and Canada still genuinely need his help."
If they provoked Killian and he openly clashed with Parliament, the public would blame Parliament.
Citizens hated political infighting that harmed national interests.
And Killian had spent his first year of marriage living in Canada for the Empire's benefit.
Then he had immediately departed for Asia on a six-month diplomatic mission.
Attacking him now would be dangerous.
"So what do you propose?" Wellesley asked.
"Publicly we praise his achievements and appear to grant him even greater authority," Palmerston said. "But we completely separate him from domestic politics. Then we pass a law guaranteeing that separation."
"You mean to legally forbid the Prince Consort of Britain from interfering in domestic politics?"
Right now it was merely tradition.
And traditions could change.
If voters wanted it, even a royal consort could enter politics.
But if a law explicitly prohibited it—
Then things would be different.
No matter how powerful Killian became in Canada or Asia, he would have no authority in England, the center of the Empire.
"But introducing such a bill would make our intentions obvious," Wellesley said.
"That's why we must appear to honor him publicly. Your role is crucial here, Prime Minister. You are close to him. Unlike us, he will not suspect you."
"Hmm…"
If Wellesley refused, it would prove he was firmly on Killian's side.
There would be no denying it.
The Prime Minister folded his arms, thinking.
Then he nodded casually.
"Very well. To be honest, I have had similar thoughts myself. I already have something in mind. When the Prince Consort returns, I will discuss it with him directly."
"Excellent! As expected of Prime Minister Wellesley!"
"Thank you for making this decision."
"No need to thank me," Wellesley said calmly. "The center of the British Empire is Parliament. And as Prime Minister, it is my responsibility to balance Parliament and the government. The stability of the royal family matters—but the balance of power matters even more."
Gladstone finally relaxed.
After stating his position so clearly, Wellesley could hardly act differently later.
And if he did betray them—
They could simply accuse him of conspiring with the royal family to weaken Parliament.
They felt some guilt about targeting the Prince Consort, who had just returned from Asia after serving the Empire.
But it was unavoidable.
The British Empire was led by Parliament.
The royal family was supposed to remain symbolic.
If Killian truly cared about Britain's future, he would surely understand that.
If he didn't—
Then they would have no choice but to suspect his intentions.
* * *
"I will come immediately."
When I arrived in London and was enjoying the grand welcoming ceremony, I received a slip of paper.
I couldn't help laughing.
It took real talent to pack that much emotion into a single sentence.
I slipped away from the banquet and entered a private room.
Moments later, Charles Wellesley burst through the door, slamming it shut behind him.
"So, so," I said casually. "Which bastard has angered our Prime Minister this time? Don't tell me Her Majesty scolded you while I was away."
"That part is fine. Benjamin and William Gladstone took the beating instead. But that's not the problem."
Wellesley's face was still flushed with irritation.
"Do you know what those Whig bastards are saying?"
"What did they say that upset you this much?"
"Well, those bastards…"
After hearing the whole story, I felt more amused than angry.
So it's finally happening.
Up until now we had been pretending nothing was wrong.
But that had only been a temporary arrangement.
The more openly I expanded my authority, the more uncomfortable Parliament would inevitably become.
It was only natural.
After all, the nail that sticks out always gets hammered down.
"So what did you tell them?" I asked.
"What else could I say? If I defended you openly, they'd immediately suspect I was your accomplice. So I pretended to agree with them."
"Good. That's exactly what you should do. You must never openly take my side. If something like this happens again, you should always appear to support Parliament."
"Fine. But appearances aside, we still need a plan."
A plan, huh.
Wellesley gulped down a glass of water, clearly frustrated by my calm reaction.
"You just returned, so Parliament will hold a debate immediately. We need a strategy today. To be blunt, our power isn't small. If we combine my authority with Your Highness's wealth and influence, we could overturn Parliament itself."
"No."
I shook my head.
"If we move too openly, it will only provoke resistance. That should remain a last resort. I already have something in mind, so just follow my lead."
If I showed even the slightest panic, Wellesley would lose his composure as well.
And if the Prime Minister went rogue, the situation would only worsen.
Still…
So the MPs' suspicion had reached this level already.
Well, it was inevitable.
I had expanded my authority rather aggressively.
And throughout history, the nail that sticks out always gets hammered down.
Fine.
If that was how things were going to be—
Then I should repay the MPs for preparing such a wonderful surprise the moment I returned.
After all, I ought to create a happy ending that satisfies everyone.
Of course—
Whether they were happy or not would depend entirely on my definition of happiness.