Chapter 533: As Fragile as a Stack of Eggs
Leaving aside overseas colonial matters for the moment, since the Far Eastern Empire had sent a delegation to engage and assess, East Africa naturally had to respond with courtesy.
But Ernst didn't think there was much in East Africa worth studying. The way East Africa came to be couldn't be replicated by any other country. Its most defining feature was that it had never truly shaken off its colonial nature.
From start to finish, East Africa was never "independent" in the traditional sense—it evolved directly from a colony into a state. Other independent nations, such as the United States and Brazil, still bore the imprint of their former colonial masters. East Africa had no such overlord—unless one counted the Principality of Hechingen. But after the Hechingen royal family moved to Africa, even the authority of the principality was diminished.
That didn't mean the Hechingen royal family had relinquished its title. After all, monarchs often held multiple titles simultaneously. The Principality of Hechingen was roughly equivalent to a margraviate. It was perfectly natural for the King of East Africa to also be the Prince of Hechingen. And perhaps one day that title would come in handy.
For example, when dealing with Germany, there was no awkwardness. The Principality of Hechingen held a unique status within Germany: it was both a member state of the German Confederation and a part of the Kingdom of Prussia. That made it distinct from other German states like the Kingdom of Württemberg, which were independent of Prussia.
In theory, the Principality of Hechingen, the Kingdom of East Africa, and the royal territory of Alaska were all equivalent entities—each governed by a branch of the House of Hohenzollern, specifically the Hechingen line. The principality was only a nominal state; the latter two were under direct and actual rule.
Thus, to Germany—and especially Prussia—East Africa was a curious case. Nations could be more or less "distant" in their relationships, and East Africa's position was uniquely ambiguous.
But drawing closer couldn't hurt. Culturally, historically, politically, and economically, the two nations were already linked.
"In fact, East Africa is unlike most other nations in the world. It is a country that evolved from a colony and is still evolving. It has not yet reached its final form. For example, our slave system still exists. But while our domestic situation is unique, we maintain open communication with the outside world—just with an extra step: we use the German region as an intermediary," said Director Laidler of the Dar es Salaam Cultural Bureau to the visiting Far Eastern delegation.
Laidler's frankness left the delegation a little stunned. What was going on? They were just here to look around—surely no one thought they came to learn from East Africa?
Actually, the delegation had come with that exact intention. Use the strengths of the barbarians to control them. East Africa, as a latecomer to the world stage, might provide some lessons worth studying.
But East Africa's model was one no other nation could replicate—especially not isolationism, which it had ironically copied from the Far East.
East Africa could afford to close its doors, but the Far Eastern Empire couldn't. East Africa's version of isolation still allowed it to absorb nourishment from the German region. The Far East was being bled dry by other nations.
Of course, after the gunboat diplomacy opened its doors, the Far East was forced to adapt through hardship.
Isolationism wasn't inherently bad. Any policy is shaped by context.
The Qing government's embrace of isolation had roots in its fear of overseas anti-Qing revolutionaries. The Far East remained shackled by Confucian thinking, which had lost its vitality and resisted reform.
Confucianism could have evolved with the times—after all, even Christianity and other rigid religions managed to develop capitalist-compatible interpretations. Latin American liberation theology was one such branch.
But Qing-era Confucianism had grown stubborn, refusing any self-reflection. Its evolution had stopped entirely. Once it lost its innovation, decline was inevitable. Yet Confucianism refused to yield to newer ideologies, gaining a quasi-religious status—hence the term "Confucianism" as a -ism rather than simply a philosophy. Its position was undeserved, and so it was eventually torn down.
East Africa had no such problem. It simply copied the achievements of those who came before. No domestic force was strong enough to challenge the monarchy, so the nation's direction remained firmly in Ernst's hands.
And Ernst was a control freak. As long as he had the energy, East Africa would follow his vision.
"Laidler, you're being too modest. I've heard that Germans are known for their directness. Every country has something to offer, and self-deprecation isn't necessary. We're quite envious of East Africa's rapid progress," said a Far Eastern envoy.
But Laidler wasn't being modest—he was being honest. He explained, "East Africa is like the United States—we both grew through slavery and have vast undeveloped land. Your Far East has neither. So I'm not being modest. We really don't have much you can learn from. You'd be better off studying Europe or the Ottomans."
Laidler meant it. East Africa and the U.S. were nations built from a blank slate, without entrenched interests.
The Far Eastern Empire, with its long history and complex web of factions, had only two paths to reform: either a painful top-down transformation, or a forced revolution.
Ernst didn't look down on the Qing court, but they simply weren't willing to hurt themselves—or didn't know how.
It was like the fable of the greedy monkey: there's a nut in a jar with a narrow neck. The monkey grabs it but can't pull its hand out—unless it lets go. It refuses, dragging the jar around until it's caught.
Still, East Africa's lack of historical baggage made it fragile. That's why Ernst imposed isolation. If foreign ideologies flooded in, the nation might collapse. This was already evident in other colonies.
Ernst saw himself as shielding East Africa from the storm—until it grew strong enough to stand on its own.
It was like the chip industry: if you couldn't change the playing field, a latecomer had to first protect its domestic market before talking about survival.
Ernst knew exactly how unstable East Africa's system was—possibly even more brittle than the ossified Soviet Union. Maintaining Black rule by the Hechingen royal family would require at least 50 years of relative peace, enough time to patch up the political system and build resilience.
What was needed was cultural confidence and institutional confidence. Only if people believed in the system could it be renewed and improved over time.
So although East Africa appeared powerful, it was in fact extremely fragile. A state held together by military might alone couldn't endure forever.
And Ernst was no saint. His ultimate priority was the Hechingen royal family's interest. That meant East Africa's political system needed to be especially stable—or a single misstep could bring total disaster.
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